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As a result, young people in the Netherlands are less likely to experiment with heroin than elsewhere. Although there may be room for discussion about the precision with which this has been achieved, it is difficult to deny that the coverage of market separation, coupled with the tolerance of espresso retailers, has contributed. … We hope that the Dutch experience has two vital classes for the UK. The main one is the potential benefit of treating possession. The private use of all medicines, not just cannabis, mainly as health problems. This should ensure that younger people experimenting with medication remain integrated into society rather than becoming marginalized. The second is the potential benefit of separating the cannabis market from that of heroin. In doing so, the Dutch have provided compelling evidence on the concept of a gateway to cannabis use, and in favor of the speculation that if there is a gateway it is the illegal market. Over the course of the 1970s, several US states.
We conclude that there is evidence that there are therapeutic benefits to cannabis use by people with certain serious illnesses and that these benefits outweigh any potential harm to themselves. Due to this fact, we agree with the House of Lords Election Committee that cannabis and cannabis resin, along with tincture and extracts not covered by the 1971 convention, should be transferred from Schedule 1 to Schedule 2 of the 1985 rules. Mechanically, that could be certain that doctors who prescribe such substances are not criminally liable. The same would apply to your patients in possession. Doctors or pharmacists who provided cannabis. Arrangements should be made for pharmacies to secure legitimate supplies of stocks, but that should not pose insurmountable problems. We do not share the anxiety of the federal government regarding the ability of GPs to withstand the pressure of prescribing cannabis. There is no evidence that this has been a problem of concern for the prescription of heroin for pain management.
Even with the use of discretion on this scale, the implementation of the regulation harms people through criminal information and dangers to work and relationships to a degree that far outweighs any harm that cannabis may be causing to the community. society. Concentration on cannabis as a target for enforcement contradicts the views of a large part of the population. Surveys conducted for us by MORI show that two-thirds of adults want strong legal controls on drugs. Do not consider drug use as a non-public matter beyond legislation. However, most of them do not include cannabis among the drugs to be controlled. There is no doubt that, by implementing the law, the current focus on cannabis undermines respect for the law. We have encountered a wide sense of unease, certainly skepticism, about the current management regime in relation to cannabis. It inhibits correct schooling when it comes to the relative risks of various medications, including the risks of cannabis itself.
Possession of cannabis should not be a crime that can be subject to imprisonment. As a consequence, it would not be an arrestable offense in England and Wales under section 24 of Pace, and arrests will only be possible under section 25 of Pace where there are identification or preventive reasons. Growing small amounts of cannabis plants for private use should be a separate offense from production and must be handled by the same means as possession of cannabis, cannot be arrested or jailed, and carries the same range of penalties. The cultivation of cannabis for personal use in section 6. The production in section four must constitute mutually exclusive offenses. … Drug-related deaths per million inhabitants (in the Netherlands) are the lowest in Europe. In 1995, the corresponding figure for the Netherlands was 2.4, compared to 31.1 for the UK. The espresso shop's strategy has not been without criticism even in the Netherlands itself. However, it appears that the Netherlands can fairly claim to have separated the heroin and cannabis markets.
It offers a criminal record to a large number of people who would otherwise comply with the law. It grossly penalizes and marginalizes younger people for what may be little greater than youth experimentation. It affects more the younger people on the streets of inner cities who are also more likely to be poor and members of ethnic minority communities. The evidence clearly indicates that the current regulation. Its operation creates more harm than the drug itself. In considering the current operation of legislation and sentencing patterns, we are of the opinion that cannabis possession should not be a criminal offense that can be subject to imprisonment. Consequently, it should no longer be an arrestable offense in England and Wales under section 24 of Tempo. Furthermore, the prosecution of cannabis possession offenses should be the exception and only then, a crime, if there is a conviction, should be incurredcriminal record. We recommend that the cultivation of small amounts of cannabis plants for private use should constitute a crime other than manufacturing and should be treated in the same way as possession of cannabis.